Abortion

On Rights.

• I believe most Australians do not support abortion for psychosocial reasons to the day of delivery. I think these laws were passed because Australians are not engaged with politics. We elect MPs and trust them to do the right thing and then laws like these are passed in plain sight but behind our backs. - Amelia

• Meanwhile in Australia, a country controlled by some of the world’s most powerful feminists…Bettine Arndt

The average length of a pregnancy is 40 weeks or 280 days. This includes the day of birth.

A baby is considered full-term and can be born any time between 37 and 42 weeks of gestation.

This isn’t a subject that I have thought much about over the years, until recently.

Not unlike many other subjects.

Here are some questions that have been going through my mind over the last couple of years, and why I was interested in Amelia writing to me recently about the subject.

• Do the unborn have any rights?

• If so, what are they?

• Do those rights emerge on day one?

• Do they exist on day 279?

• Should a woman have the right to abort on day 1, under any circumstance?

• Should she have the right to abort on day 279, under any circumstance?

• Is there, or should there be, a cross-over point between the right of the unborn and the right of the mother?

It seems that in a society that believes that women can do no wrong, and where any infringement on her rights are a symptom of toxic masculinity and tyrannical patriarchy, the answers to the above questions lean heavily in favor of the mother.

Once you become aware of NSSM 200, and Empire’s desire to “manage resources” by suppressing family size, you start to see abortion, abortion rights, feminism (second¹, third² and fourth³ wave) and its debates through a different lens. At least that is the case for me.

Remember that Empire creates its own reality:

We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality.

And while you’re studying that reality – judiciously, as you will – we’ll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that’s how things will sort out. We’re history’s actors … and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do. - Senior adviser to Bush, Ron Suskind, New York Times, 2004

In a reality where small family size is preferred, how much effort goes into giving the woman all the information she needs; to help her achieve informed consent?

Abortion increases maternal mortality Abortion has been found in population wide studies in Finland, California and Denmark to be associated with an increased risk of mortality, in particular a dramatically increased risk of suicide - up to 6.6 times six times higher than that of women who had given birth in the prior year.

• Briefing Note – Reproductive Health care Reform Bill 2019

M. Gissler et. al., “Injury deaths, suicides and homicides associated with pregnancy, Finland 1987- 2000”

European Journal of Public Health, 2005, 15:459-63, https://academic.oup.com/eurpub/article/15/5/459/526248

The main point of this stack, and the point that Amelia was making when she wrote to me, was that although I live in NSW, I probably didn’t know that this was the law of the land I lived in.

She was right.

With thanks to Amelia.

As well as asking: what else did they lie to me about? You could also ask: what else did they do without my knowledge and consent? - Amelia

Did you know a law was passed in New South Wales that imposes harsher penalties on people who are convicted of killing wanted unborn babies?

My guess is all Australians have an opinion on abortion and my guess is nearly all Australians believe healthy children the day before their birth have a right to life and my guess is most support laws that criminalise the killing of wanted, unborn children by people who killed or physically harmed their mothers, and my guess is most support Zoe's law:

NSW passes Zoe's Law to impose harsher penalties for the death of an unborn baby - ABC News

See summary below⁴.

Did you know a law was passed in New South Wales that enables healthy women to kill their unwanted healthy babies the day before their babies would have been born?

My guess is most Australians have no idea that in NSW and Victoria women can have an abortion the day before they are due to give birth just because, that is, without having to have a medical reason relating to their health or the child's health.

Did you know and if so when did you know?

My guess is many Australians living in NSW heard about the Bill that passed in 2019 and heard it was a great development because it 'decriminalised' abortion but didn't hear it also enabled pregnant women to abort their full-term babies, because of relationship breakdown or financial reasons (if they wanted to abort a baby because it was the 'wrong' sex they would have done it earlier).

A similar law was passed in Victoria. If you think 'no healthy woman would abort their healthy full-term baby', statistics from Victoria show you are mistaken.

NSW is one step closer to abortion on demand - for any reason (smh.com.au)

See summary below⁵.

Since abortion was decriminalised in Victoria, late-term abortions have increased by 39 per cent. Abortions for "psycho-social reasons" have increased by 32 per cent. This means that between 2009 and 2016 there were 1,277 babies who were aborted for a reason other than the physical health of the mother or baby. In 2011, one of these babies aborted for psycho-social reasons was 37 weeks. This is a full-term baby.

This bill allows late-term abortion for virtually any reason. It allows abortions up to birth for physical, psychological and social reasons, which in effect, encompasses everything, for there is no reason outside those three categories. Social reasons would include relationship breakdown, financial challenges or even sex selection.

Late Term Abortion Statistics - Victoria - Right to Life NSWRight to Life NSW

The Consultative Council on Obstetric and Paediatric Mortality and Morbidity (CCOPMM) has just released their 2018 report on “Victoria’s Mothers, Babies and Children”. In brief, this report reveals:

1. Abortions at 20 weeks or later for “maternal psychosocial indications” (i.e., abortions for social or psychological reasons, where there is no problem or disability found with the baby), are up 23.57% from 140 in 2017, to 173 in 2018. It was noted in the report that all 173 abortions resulted in a stillbirth – i.e., no baby survived this procedure;

2. Abortions at 20 weeks or later for “suspected or confirmed congenital anomaly” (i.e. abortions for suspected or confirmed disability including anything from cleft palate to chromosomal disorders such as Down Syndrome to a fatal condition) were recorded at 179. Of these more than one in six (29) were born alive.

This is the reality of late term abortion. Almost one per day – approximately half of whom are reportedly healthy – are being denied a right to life.

And don’t be distracted by the question of what happens to aborted babies born alive. To abort a baby which is close to its due date they make a hole in its skull, suck out its brain and then crush the skull: no chance of being born alive.

I believe most Australians do not support abortion for psychosocial reasons to the day of delivery. I think these laws were passed because Australians are not engaged with politics. We elect MPs and trust them to do the right thing and then laws like these are passed in plain sight but behind our backs.

Australians like to feel good about their country and there is much to feel good about. But have we, in NSW and Victoria, allowed our MPs to pass the most extreme pro-abortion laws in the world?

If you live in NSW or Victoria, was your MP in Parliament when this law was passed? If so, why not send an email to your State MP and ask him or her whether they supported or were opposed to this law? And if they were opposed to it, ask them what they did to publicise their opposition.

Know the morals of your elected representatives. Before the next election ask yourself: do I want this person to continue to represent me?

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1. Second Wave Feminism

A significant phase in the feminist movement, emerged in the early 1960s and lasted through the late 1980s. This wave built upon the earlier first wave of feminism, which focused primarily on legal issues, particularly women's suffrage. The second wave broadened the debate to a wider range of issues:

1. Gender Equality: The movement sought to challenge and change societal norms and legal constraints that limited women's rights, particularly in the workplace, in education, and within the family.

2. Workplace and Education: There was a strong focus on workplace inequalities, such as pay disparities, career advancement limitations, and sexual harassment. In education, the movement fought for equal opportunities for women in academics and professional fields.

3. Reproductive Rights: A key issue was reproductive freedom, including the right to access birth control and the campaign for legal abortion. This was part of a broader effort to give women control over their own bodies and reproductive choices.

4. Legislation: Second wave feminism led to significant legislative changes, including the Equal Pay Act and the Title IX in the United States, which addressed discrimination in employment and education.

5. Awareness of Domestic Issues: The movement highlighted domestic violence and marital rape issues, challenging the perception of the home as always a safe and non-violent space for women.

6. Critiques of Patriarchy: There was a critical analysis of patriarchy and how it perpetuated gender roles and inequality. Feminists during this period worked to deconstruct these societal and cultural norms.

7. Diversity of Voices: While the second wave made significant strides, it was often criticized for primarily representing the experiences and perspectives of white, middle-class women, and not fully addressing the concerns of women of color, working-class women, and LGBTQ+ women.

2. Third Wave Feminism

This wave emerged in the mid-1990s and is often associated with a response to the perceived failures or oversights of second wave feminism. This wave is characterized by its focus on individualism and diversity, and it challenges the definitions and constructs around gender and sexuality. Key aspects include:

1. Diversity and Inclusivity: It emphasizes the inclusion of women from various racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds, and acknowledges the different experiences of women based on their social identities and positions.

2. Reclaiming Femininity: Third wave feminists often argue that feminism is about the freedom to define oneself, and they embrace aspects of femininity that may have been rejected by earlier feminists, such as enjoying fashion or motherhood.

3. Response to Second Wave: It critiques the second wave's approach, which was often seen as universalizing the experience of white, middle-class women, and not adequately addressing the experiences of women of color, LGBTQ+ women, and women from different socio-economic backgrounds.

4. Sexuality: A significant focus is on sexual liberation and challenging traditional notions of sexuality and gender roles.

3. Fourth Wave Feminism

This wave began around 2012 and is characterized by its use of technology and online platforms. It focuses on intersectionality and inclusivity, similar to third wave, but with a more pronounced emphasis on combating sexual harassment, body shaming, and promoting body positivity.

1. Digital Activism: The internet and social media are central to fourth wave feminism, enabling widespread awareness and mobilization on issues such as sexual harassment, body shaming, and reproductive rights.

2. Intersectionality: Like the third wave, it emphasizes the intersection of gender with other identities like race, class, sexuality, and disability, but pushes further for a more nuanced understanding and representation in feminist discourse.

3. #MeToo Movement: This wave is strongly associated with the #MeToo movement, which highlights the prevalence of sexual assault and harassment, particularly in the workplace.

4. Body Positivity: It actively challenges societal standards of beauty and promotes acceptance of all body types, advocating for the representation of diverse bodies in media and public life.

4. Summary of Zoe's Law in New South Wales (NSW), Australia:

• Introduction and Background: Zoe's Law has been passed in the NSW parliament, named after baby Zoe, who was lost when her mother, Brodie Donegan, was hit by a drunk driver in 2009.

• Objective: The law aims to impose tougher penalties for crimes resulting in the loss of an unborn child. It recognizes the loss of an unborn child as a unique injury for a pregnant woman and her family.

• New Offences and Penalties:

  • The first new offence covers the loss of a foetus due to various criminal acts (like dangerous driving or grievous bodily harm) with penalties ranging from 5 to 28 years, depending on the act. This is an increase of three years from previous sentences.

  • The second offence addresses situations where a homicide (murder, manslaughter, etc.) results in the death of both the pregnant woman and the foetus. It carries an additional maximum penalty of three years.

• Eligibility for Charges: Charges can be laid if the unborn child has a gestational age of at least 20 weeks or weighs at least 400 grams.

• Support for Bereaved Families:

  • Families can present victim impact statements in court.

  • The unborn child's name can be included in the indictment.

  • Families can claim funeral costs for unborn children lost in car accidents.

• Implementation Timeline: The offences will commence next year.

• Response from the Attorney-General: Mark Speakman expressed that while no law can fully compensate for such a loss, these laws acknowledge the unique nature of losing an unborn child and aim to provide some solace.

• Controversy and Clarifications:

  • The law has faced opposition from pro-choice groups, fearing it might weaken abortion rights and affect access to late-term abortions.

  • However, the Attorney-General has rejected these concerns, stating that the reforms are focused on increasing penalties for crimes without affecting existing abortion laws in NSW.

5. Summary of the Reproductive Health Care Reform Bill 2019 and Debates in NSW, Australia:

• Bill's Progress: The Reproductive Health Care Reform Bill 2019, which facilitates abortion on demand in NSW, has passed in the lower house, moving the state closer to decriminalizing abortion.

• Arguments by Proponents:

  • Supporters, including those cited in a Herald editorial, argue that decriminalizing abortion will decrease late-term abortions, drawing comparisons with other jurisdictions like the Northern Territory and Queensland.

  • They suggest that late-term abortions are rare, based on data from these areas.

• Counterarguments and Comparison with Victoria:

  • The comparison with NT and Queensland is questioned as NT restricts late-term abortions and Queensland only allowed unrestricted abortions from 2018.

  • Victoria, which decriminalized abortion in 2008, is highlighted as a more relevant comparison. Since decriminalization, late-term abortions in Victoria have increased by 39%, including abortions for "psycho-social reasons".

• Concerns About Late-Term Abortions:

  • There are ethical concerns about late-term abortions, including cases of babies born alive during termination procedures.

  • In Victoria, from 2008 to 2016, there were 336 such cases, raising questions about the potential viability of these babies if born at term.

• Bill’s Stipulations and Concerns:

  • The bill requires two doctors' approval for abortions after 22 weeks, but critics argue this is insufficient due to lack of independence and absence of legal penalties for non-compliance.

  • The bill allows late-term abortions for a wide range of reasons, including physical, psychological, and social factors, effectively covering any reason.

• Ethical Dilemmas for Doctors:

  • The requirement for doctors to refer for abortions, regardless of their personal beliefs, is seen as a violation of their human rights and ethical stance.

  • Concerns are raised about potential coercion and lack of individualized care for women seeking abortions.

• Broader Implications and Alternatives:

  • Critics argue that the bill goes beyond mere decriminalization and could increase the number of abortions in Australia, estimated at around 80,000 annually.

  • Debbie Garratt, executive director of Real Choices Australia, advocates for a "pro-woman, pro-baby approach," suggesting the need for fresh perspectives and solutions in this debate.