Black Operations

A grid of inconceivable secrecy.

I got Annie Jacobsen’s Area 51 a couple of years back, and the prologue where she discusses Black Operations really stuck with me.


The Bomb was built with:

  • $28b in today’s money

  • Over 3 years

  • With 200,000 people

  • Across 80 offices

  • And dozens of production plants, spread across the country

  • Including a sixty-thousand-acre facility in rural Tennessee

“And no one knew the Manhattan Project was there. That is how powerful a black operation can be.”

Wills, Bomb Power,

10–13. Wills elaborated on how Truman had some suspicions when he was vice president and approached War Secretary Henry L. Stimson, who told him to back off, which Truman did.

How do you get 200,000 people to work on something without knowing what they are working on, and at the same time get them to keep their mouths shut about what they do know they are working on?

Well, the Americans figured in out in 1942!

Not even Truman knew about it until he “needed to”.

This single point is really important for me, because they have had exactly 80 years to perfect the workings of Black Operations.

To the extent that the Americans are involved in the GMC (either via joint venture or as propriety owners of the whole development), then their involvement is born out of the greatest Black Operation the world has ever seen.

(Once only disclaimer: ALL references to Americans are to the government, or shadow government, or aggregated corporations and capital, or the combo of all of the above that is a uniquely American stew of power...and not the people. Or as Michael Yon describes it, OGUS, the Occupying Government of the United States (with thanks to Fla Mom).

OGUS is the Occupying Government United States. OGUS oversaw a campaign to jab our citizens and military with toxic information warfare and toxic chemicals under pretense of ‘vaccine.’ OGUS is now pushing same for more children. This is genocide. Open genocide. They do not even attempt to hide.

OGUS has opened US borders. We are being invaded.

OGUS is destroying the economy with haste and intent.

OGUS is destroying our food supply.

OGUS runs secret police called FBI, IRS, NSA, FDA, CDC, and more.

I think of it as a GRID, sliced up into compartments, and only the smallest number of people, that are possibly counted on one or two hands, know the whole picture. It’s an incredible technology, to be able to keep such secrets, on such as scale, with so many people and so much money…in an “open” society.

Doing it in China is one thing, but being able to pull it of in the US is simply inconceivable.

Let’s look at Jacobsen’s take on it:

This is a book about government projects and operations that have been hidden for decades, some for good reasons, others for arguably terrible ones, and one that should never have happened at all. These operations took place in the name of national security and they all involved cutting-edge science. The last published words of Robert Oppenheimer, father of the atomic bomb, were “Science is not everything. But science is very beautiful.” After reading this book, readers can decide what they think about what Oppenheimer said.

This is a book about black operations, government projects that are secret from Congress and secret from the people who make up the United States. To understand how black projects began, and how they continue to function today, one must start with the creation of the atomic bomb. The men who ran the Manhattan Project wrote the rules about black operations. The atomic bomb was the mother of all black projects and it is the parent from which all black operations have sprung.

Building the bomb was the single most expensive engineering project in the history of the United States. It began in 1942, and by the time the bomb was tested, inside the White Sands Proving Ground in the New Mexico high desert on July 16, 1945, the bomb’s price tag, adjusted for inflation, was $28,000,000,000. The degree of secrecy maintained while building the bomb is almost inconceivable. When the world learned that America had dropped an atomic weapon on Hiroshima, no one was more surprised than the U.S. Congress, none of whose members had had any idea it was being developed. Vice President Harry Truman had been equally stunned to learn about the bomb when he became president of the United States, on April 12, 1945. Truman had been the chairman of the Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program when he was vice president, meaning he was in charge of watching how money was spent during the war, yet he’d had no idea about the atomic bomb until he became president and the information was relayed to him by two men: Vannevar Bush, the president’s science adviser, and Henry L. Stimson, the nation’s secretary of war. Bush was in charge of the Manhattan Project, and Stimson was in charge of the war.

The Manhattan Project employed two hundred thousand people. It had eighty offices and dozens of production plants spread out all over the country, including a sixty-thousand-acre facility in rural Tennessee that pulled more power off the nation’s electrical grid than New York City did on any given night. And no one knew the Manhattan Project was there. That is how powerful a black operation can be.

After the war ended, Congress—the legislators who had been so easily kept in the dark for two and a half years—was given stewardship of the bomb. It was now up to Congress to decide who would control its “unimaginable destructive power.” With the passing of the Atomic Energy Act of 1946, a terrifying and unprecedented new system of secret-keeping emerged. The presidential system was governed by presidential executive orders regarding national security information. But the newly created Atomic Energy Commission, formerly known as the Manhattan Project, was now in charge of regulating the classification of all nuclear weapons information in a system that was totally separate from the president’s system. In other words, for the first time in American history, a federal agency run by civilians, the Atomic Energy Commission, would maintain a body of secrets classified based on factors other than presidential executive orders. It is from the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 that the concept “born classified” came to be, and it was the Atomic Energy Commission that would oversee the building of seventy thousand nuclear bombs in sixty-five different sizes and styles. Atomic Energy was the first entity to control Area 51—a fact previously undisclosed—and it did so with terrifying and unprecedented power. One simply cannot consider Area 51’s uncensored history without addressing this cold, hard, and ultimately devastating truth.

The Atomic Energy Commission’s Restricted Data classification was an even more terrifying anomaly, something that could originate outside the government through the “thinking and research of private parties.” In other words, the Atomic Energy Commission could hire a private company to conduct research for the commission knowing that the company’s thinking and research would be born classified and that even the president of the United States would not necessarily have a need-to-know about it. In 1994, for instance, when President Clinton created by executive order the Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments to look into secrets kept by the Atomic Energy Commission, certain records involving certain programs inside and around Area 51 were kept from the president on the grounds that he did not have a need-to-know. Two of these programs, still classified, are revealed publicly for the first time in this book.

One of the Atomic Energy Commission’s former classifications officers, Donald Woodbridge, characterized the term born classified as something that “give[s] the professional classificationist unanswerable authority.” Area 51 lives on as an example. Of the Atomic Energy Commission’s many facilities across the nation—it is now called the Department of Energy—the single largest facility is, and always has been, the Nevada Test Site. Other parts of the Nevada Test and Training Range would be controlled by the Department of Defense. But there were gray areas, like Area 51—craggy mountain ranges and flat, dry lake beds sitting just outside the official borders of the Nevada Test Site and not controlled by the Department of Defense. These areas are where the most secret projects were set up. No one had a need-to-know about them.

And for decades, until this book was published, no one would.

Here is Area 51, and The Grid (which is really part of a much bigger Grid) with all its “areas” or compartments is clear.

The primary tool of this secrecy technology is Compartmentalization.

Let’s look at the passages within the book that discuss this idea:

Each U-2 aircraft arrived at Area 51 from Lockheed’s facility in Burbank in pieces, hidden inside the belly of a C-124 transport plane. The pointy fuselage and long, thin wings were draped in white sheets so no one could get even a glimpse. “In the very beginning, we put Ship One and Ship Two together inside the hangar so nobody saw it before it flew,” recalls Bob Murphy, one of the first Lockheed mechanics on the base. From the moment the CIA began operating their Groom Lake facility, they did so with very strict protocols regarding who had a need-to-know and about what. All elements of the program were divided into sensitive compartmented information, or SCI. “I had no clue what the airplane looked like until it flew directly over my head,” recalls security guard Richard Mingus.


Despite his apparent elusiveness, Mr. B. maintained absolute control of all things that were going on at Area 51. Remarkably, he had been able to set up the remote desert facility as a stand-alone organization; he did this by persuading President Eisenhower to remove the U-2 program from the CIA’s own organizational chart. “The entire project became the most compartmented and self-contained activity within the agency,” Bissell wrote of his sovereign territory at Groom Lake. “I worked behind a barrier of secrecy that protected my decision making from interference.” The Development Project Staff, which was the bland-sounding code name for the secret U-2 operation, was the only division of the CIA that had its own communications office. Bissell saw government overseers as unnecessary meddlers and told colleagues that Congress and its committees simply got in the way of getting done what needed to be done. In this way, Bissell was remarkably effective with his program at Area 51. Each month he summed up activities on the secret base in a five-page brief for the president. But Bissell’s long leash, and the extreme power he wielded over the nation’s first spy plane program, earned him enmity from a top general whose wrath was historically a dangerous thing to incur. That was General Curtis LeMay.


Everything that happens at Area 51, when it is happening, is classified as TS/SCI, or top secret/sensitive compartmented information—an enigmatic security policy with protocols that are also top secret. “TS/SCI classification guides are also classified,” says Cargill Hall, historian emeritus for the National Reconnaissance Office; this government espionage agency is so secret that even its name was classified top secret from the time it was founded, in 1958, to its declassification, in 1992. In 2011, most Americans still don’t know what the NRO is or what it does, or that it is a partner organization routinely involved with Area 51, because that is classified information.


Mingus remembered how everything at Area 51 worked with top secret/sensitive compartmented information protocols. “Even my sergeant wasn’t cleared to go over the hill to Delta. He was my superior but he didn’t have a need-to-know what I was doing over there,” Mingus explains.


As they had been with the Manhattan Project, the various jobs going on at Area 51 were compartmentalized for Oxcart, so that every person worked within very strict need-to-know protocols. The radar people had no idea about the ELINT people, who had no idea what any of the search-and-rescue teams were up to. Each group worked on its part of the puzzle. Each man was familiar with his single piece. Only a few individuals, officers working in managerial capacities, understood a corner of the puzzle—at most. But someone had to act as a go-between among these disparate groups, and in this way, Freedman became an individual who knew a lot more than most about the inner workings of Area 51.

Clearly, very, very large groups of people can “keep” a secret, because they don’t know what the secret is. Because it’s been compartmentalized.

The dissident medical freedom crowd, my crowd, is wandering about within a warren of compartments where even famous people within each compartment have no idea of the whole picture, the whole grid.

It is not out of the question at all that even Fauci, or Baric, or EcoHealth Alliance, or Gates, or [fill in the blank] has no idea of the whole grid. Actually, it’s the most likely conclusion.

I think that Compartmentalization is the primary way that you create a steady stream of Useful Idiots.

Another tool of this Inconceivable Secrecy Technology is the “CIA State Secret Contract”. Here is RFK Jr.’s own words from the Fauci book.

In 2010, DARPA’s visionary director, Dr. Regina Dugan, moved to Google as an executive, and in 2016, she transferred to Google’s competitor, Facebook, running a mysterious project called Building 8. In 2018, she moved again, to run Wellcome Leap, a health technology breakthrough innovation project of Wellcome Trust. Her peregrinations offer another example of the incestuous links between Big Tech, Big Pharma, and the military and intelligence agencies.

According to veteran CIA officer Kevin Shipp, Silicon Valley CEOs who accepted In-Q-Tel contracts would become some of the 4.8 million Americans subsequently pressured into signing CIA “State Secret Contracts,” which subject signatories to twenty-year prison sentences, property forfeitures, and other draconian reprisals imposed by secret courts for even minor violations of arbitrary provisions— including admitting to signing the contract: “Once he signs  that secrecy agreement, that Silicon Valley entrepreneur is now  functionally the indentured servant of the agency. It binds him and his company for life, and the agreement itself is classified.”

This is what we are dealing with.

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