Interview with Paul Cudenec

On Organic Radicalism, Criminocracy, Rothschild, Capture, Withness and much more.

I have thoroughly enjoyed reading Paul Cudenec over the last year.

There is something searing, direct, yet reflective about his work.

He tells us what he sees from looking directly into the black sun.

More people should know of him and his work.

We need more like him.

He has recently published his latest book, which is freely available.

Against the Dark Enslaving Empire! - Paul Cudenec

I’m delighted to have the opportunity to interview him and share his work with a wider audience.

I encourage you to subscribe to his Substack.

Thank you, Paul, for all you are doing.

Paul Cudenec | Substack

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1. Paul, can you please tell us about your background and what led you to become a writer and critic of the current global system?

I worked for 25 years as a journalist on a local newspaper in Sussex, England, and at the same time was active in a campaign network in the town where I lived. I did some research at the time into property developers who were threatening to destroy some woodland we were defending, and on various other issues, which was good training for what has come later. I took a voluntary redundancy from the job in order to write books and actually aimed to move away from current affairs and concentrate on more in-depth philosophical thinking. But with everything going on in the world, notably the 2018-19 Gilets Jaunes revolt in France, where I now live, and then Covid in 2020, I got dragged back in again! Dissenting voices were badly needed and I felt – still feel – a moral responsibility to play my part.

2. Your work centers around the concept of "organic radicalism." Could you explain this philosophy and how it challenges both mainstream and alternative political thinking?

What I am trying to present with organic radicalism is a way of thinking that could lead us out of the horrific techno-tyranny into which we are all being herded. The philosophy that I am piecing together, from a variety of past and present thinkers, represents in many ways the opposite of contemporary mainstream thinking and challenges many of the assumptions on which our society is based. Most fundamentally, it refuses to accept that the "progress" sold to us by the industrial system really amounts to that, in the true sense of the word: it is just the ongoing destruction of nature and human communities in the pursuit of profit. Organic radicalism also recognises how this agenda is advanced by bodies that declare themselves to be "authorities" and which merely pay lip service to democracy. It therefore calls for a re-thinking of the entire power structure on which our world is based. This should not be top-down, but bottom-up, with self-determination starting at the level of individuals, families and neighbourhoods and working its way up, through consent and co-operation, to larger collectivities. The organic radical perspective regards the existence of the state as harmful, preventing as it does natural self-organisation and mutual aid.  

3. In your writings, you're critical of both the political left and right. How do you position your ideas in relation to traditional ideologies, and what do you see as the main failings of both sides?

I am not only critical of both the political left and right, but also reject the notion that thinking can be categorised by such labels. People tend to be attracted to one of these off-the-peg political positions via one particular issue that resonates with them and then automatically subscribe to a whole package of other opinions that they are told necessarily go along with that. For instance, somebody might be very critical of "woke" ideology and state intrusion into people's private lives and thus align themselves with the "right". They might then feel obliged to side with employers against workers in a strike, or to oppose in a knee-jerk fashion any opinions expressed by what they regard as "the left". It's even worse with those who identify as being on "the left", because this position can involve a certain sense of moral superiority and purity. They cannot possibly allow their aura of saintliness to be contaminated by anything from the "right". So people who regard themselves as being on the "left" because they are opposed to corporate control, for instance, end up cheerleading all the "progressive" manipulations like the transgender industry, the climate "emergency" and, as we saw from 2020, lockdowns and jab mandates. More broadly speaking, the problem I have with established ideologies of "right" and "left" is that they are dead ends that do not actually represent alternatives to the current system, just different ways of running it. They all exist within the system, accept its basic assumptions – like the "need" for never-ending "development" and "economic growth" – and thus cannot offer us a way out of it.

4. You've coined the term "criminocracy" to describe the current global power structure. Can you elaborate on this concept and how you see it operating in today's world?

Firstly, I should say that it turns out that somebody in Africa was already using the word before me. He got in touch to say so! The advantage of the term, for me, is that it doesn't give the powers-that-shouldn't-be a status that they don't deserve. When people talk about "the elites", for instance, that is almost accepting that they possess some kind of superiority. The opposite is true. Through my reading and research I realised that those with most power are literally involved in organised crime, in tandem with their many "legal" but unethical activities. This is hidden, of course, behind a veneer of respectability and carefully-constructed taboos around "conspiracy theory".

5. You have written about the "great uprooting" in modern society. What do you mean by this, and how does it relate to your ideas about community and nature?

It refers to the way in which I see that we have all been deliberately extracted from stable, simple and sane ways of living in order to turn us into "human capital" for the machine of usurious industrialism. This first happened in my home country during the First Industrial Revolution. As I noted in a recent article, a book review in fact, we can see the planning behind it. It was made increasingly impossible for people to feed themselves and live freely on the land, because they were needed as workers in the new factories, the “dark Satanic mills” as William Blake called them. I would like to see this process reversed, in the decades and centuries to come. This would also involve turning our backs on the current practice of constantly moving millions of people around the world to "settle" or occupy newly-conquered territories or to provide cheap labour for the imperial profiteers. We need to reconnect with the earth, rediscover lost know-how, grow new roots, create new long-term communities and cultures.

6. The idea of "withness" in relation to nature and community appears in your work. Can you explain this concept and why you see it as important?

This is an idea I presented in my 2022 book The Withway and it is a counter-proposal to the full-spectrum fragmentation, alienation and separation that is so typical of contemporary society. "Social distancing" didn't start with Covid, after all! The idea is that we need to become aware of, value and nurture our connections to the place where we live, to the people around us, to nature and life in general and to the living cosmos, The Great Spirit that animates us and our world. Although many share the desire for us to move in that direction, it is not regarded, in our society, as a valid or “realistic” opinion to hold. So the first step is to voice that desire, that yearning, and thus to create the space in which others feel able to do the same, setting up a resonance that can lead us back to a world in which we again feel truly at home.

7. Your work emphasizes the importance of "reality" and "truth" in an era of increasing virtualization. How can people stay grounded in reality, and why do you see this as crucial?

What we are seeing today is the next stage of the great uprooting. We are now being cut off even from a sense of reality, as more of our lives are spent online. Again, the motive behind this is to exploit us – increasingly not just as workers but as products! I have written and compiled a number of articles about "impact capitalism", which is the commodification of human lives. It stands at the centre of the Fourth Industrial Revolution agenda, being closely tied in to the UN Sustainable Development Goals and smart cities, but is not widely understood. I would urge people to find out about it and start to campaign against what essentially amounts to the creation of a digital slavery market. As individuals we can remain rooted in reality by refusing to go along with all the latest "innovations" they are trying to impose on us. Use cash! Refuse digital ID! Say no to smart meters! Switch off the smart phone!

8. You've been critical of the current direction of the environmental movement. What do you think has gone wrong, and what would a more authentic environmentalism look like?

What has gone wrong is that the environmental movement has been largely taken over by corporate interests and turned into the marketing wing of the renewable energy and nature-commodification industries. They only seem to talk about the “climate crisis" now – for which industry wants to sell us the so-called solutions. In fact, of course, that industry is itself the source of the real menace to our natural world. The evidence is all there. We can follow the money. A more authentic environmentalism would be interested in saving trees rather than in building wind turbines, in protecting green fields rather than covering them with solar panels, in defending traditional farming rather than promoting the idea that the "sustainable" way forward involves lab-grown "meat" or insect protein.

9. You've described the global criminocratic conspiracy as having an "utter unbelievability from a 'mainstream' perspective." How do you approach communicating these ideas to skeptical audiences?

Looking back over what I have written, I would say that I have described what I have discovered step by step, as I became aware of it. I naturally tend to show my "workings out", if you like – I will start an article by explaining that I was looking at a certain organisation, or person, and noticed an interesting connection, and then follow up with the rest of my research. I am taking the reader with me as I unearth material that is also new to me. Also, I am careful to provide solid references for everything and not to make claims that I cannot back up.

10. In your analysis, you frequently point out connections to the Rothschild family. How central do you see their role in the global power structure you describe?

The Rothschilds are very central to the global criminocracy. This was not something I expected or wanted to discover! The mention of their name rings "conspiracy theory" alarm bells for many and tends also to lead to accusations of "anti-semitism", no matter how often one repeats that one is not criticising them because they are Jewish but for the harm they have done and are still doing to the world. My path to exploring their role in fact began as an investigation into the British empire, the Commonwealth, prompted by the fact that the WEF's Great Reset was officially launched by the man who is now King Charles III. Months of reading and research showed me that this empire – which turned into the entity known as "globalism" – is inextricably tied in to the Rothschilds' worldwide financial and industrial concerns. In fact, it is one and the same entity and has been so for many decades. Of course, this unacceptable reality is hidden from public view by a series of fronts, as well as by the empire's control of both mass media and academia and by the taboos that have been erected around the subject.

11. Your analysis of Chatham House describes it as a microcosm of larger power structures. Can you elaborate on how you see this reflection working?

When I looked at the key people involved in Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs in London), I noticed how their career paths frequently hop from the public to the private sector and back, that the same people are given positions of power by the state, by global institutions and by the banking or arms industries. Many of the outfits to which they are connected have been involved in illegal activities – money-laundering for drug traffickers, for instance. I had found that the same was true of firms that form part of Charles' networks. And yet all this is given the veneer of respectability by the "Royal" label – most people are conditioned to think that there could be no possible connection between a King and organised crime! This is true of British society as a whole. All those "Lords" and "Barons" and "Sirs", all that talk of "The Crown", the flaunting of class privilege, the judges with their robes and wigs – all of that lends the appearance of respectability and tradition to what is what is in fact just a vast venal criminal racket.

12. You argue that political parties are "captured" by the criminocracy. How do you think this capture is maintained across different countries and political systems, and what implications does this have for democracy?

There are multiple ways in which political parties can be captured. A starting point would be to bribe key individuals – to give them lavish gifts, invite them to fabulous events, promise them great things and so on. Easy enough if you are extremely rich. This approach has now been organised, globally, into various "Young Leaders" schemes – of which the WEF's is probably the best known. Potential political leaders are carefully groomed. This produces politicians who are really more like business executives, appointed to their management role by those pulling the strings. This is becoming increasingly obvious, in my opinion. Another way of controlling politicians is by lending them money - the Rothschilds used this approach to control Randolph Churchill, Winston's father, as I set out in Enemies of the People. Blackmail is also a very effective tool. The criminocrats like politicians with dirty secrets who would never dare to step out of line for fear of these being revealed (via the mass media they own). That is what the Epstein/Maxwell operation was all about, of course. Finally, the police and intelligence services are tools of the criminocracy – they defend its private power using the public's money. They have all the resources needed to infiltrate political parties, even small ones. A few years back, the "Spycops" scandal in the UK revealed how the police had infiltrated left-wing and anarchist groups, with officers even fathering children with targeted campaigners. In my opinion, this is just the tip of the iceberg. The implication of all this for democracy is that it does not currently exist, but is an illusion used to keep us compliant with criminocratic power.

13. You use the metaphor of a two-way mirror to describe modern society. Can you elaborate on how this image captures the relationship between the ruling class and the general population?

Since our privacy has more or less been abolished in the name of security – "if you've nothing to hide, you've nothing to fear!" – virtually everything that we do is visible to the state and those who control it. However, because our rulers do have plenty to hide, they have constructed huge barriers of propaganda, censorship and intimidation to ensure that their nefarious activities are not seen or understood by the public. They see us and spy on us while themselves remaining concealed – hence the two-way mirror metaphor.

14. Your article "Evil beyond words" discusses your profound reaction to the documentary "Les Survivantes," which deals with horrific child abuse. How has grappling with the concept of pure evil, as presented in this film, impacted your understanding of human nature, the forces shaping our world, and your approach to integrating such disturbing information into your work?

Watching that film was the culmination of a long process for me. Again and again my research had shown me behaviour that could only be regarded as evil, and yet I hesitated to label those responsible as actually being evil themselves, because the term seemed too absolute. Everything that happened with Covid had already taken me in that direction – the sheer cruelty of the lockdown measures and the violence with which they were imposed. And I was deeply shocked to discover that the First World War had been deliberately manufactured and prolonged by the same entity which is today behind the Great Reset. So when, while watching “Les Survivantes”, I realised that the monsters behind this abuse, and murder, were from the very same circles, I had to make the final leap to saying that they are truly evil. This ties in with my increasing conviction that we are involved in a spiritual battle, in which we have to allow ourselves to become humble instruments of good. I am sure that this potential exists within human nature and real progress would involve encouraging it to predominate.

15. For readers who are interested in engaging more deeply with your ideas, how can they stay in touch with your work and any upcoming projects?

My articles can be found on winteroak.org.uk, where all my books are also available to download as free pdfs. I have a blog at paulcudenec.substack.com and run the organic radicals site at orgrad.wordpress.com. People can follow me on X/Twitter via @winteroakpress Thank you, for a stimulating exchange!

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